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9/1/2004
Comments by EU High Representative, Javier Solana at the National
Forum on Europe, Dublin Castle, 8 January 2004
It is an honour to have this opportunity to speak to you about
some of the work ahead of us during Ireland's Presidency. Last
month, when I was invited to join you, we had all hoped that our
negotiations on the draft Treaty would be over and that we would
be preparing for the next steps of debate, referendum and ratification.
Progress may take months or it may take longer. Ireland comes to
the Presidency with a reputation for patience, perseverance and
even-handedness. I have worked closely with Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern
and Foreign Minister, Brian Cowen for many years. If an opportunity
for progress does open up in the coming months, I am confident
that we could not be in safer hands.
Of course, the new Treaty is important. But Europeans are also
concerned with whether the Union is looking after their interests
and whether it is doing its job well. We have a job to do in the
coming months and - working together - we will do it well.
This is the challenge that I want to address today. I do not intend
to discuss the detail of the draft treaty or to speculate on what
the future may hold. I am not an architect or a fortune-teller.
I am a physicist. I know that a molecule is more than a collection
of atoms. The European Union is more than the sum of its parts.
Under Ireland's Presidency, we will grow to twenty-five members.
We have responsibilities - to our citizens, to our neighbours and
to our international partners. Meeting these responsibilities is
one of the main challenges facing Ireland's Presidency.
I want to focus on one aspect of the complex agenda ahead - our
work in the political and security field. I think you would expect
me to concentrate on this and I am happy to do so.
It is eight years since Ireland last held the Presidency. In that
time, our external action has undergone a sea change. For many
years we were reactive to developments around us. We responded,
but often our response was too little or too late. Recently, we
have been more proactive - in the Western Balkans, for example,
where we have acted to prevent new conflicts from erupting in Southern
Serbia and in Macedonia. Our new crisis management capabilities
have enabled us to be more proactive. Over the past year, we have
launched a police operation in Bosnia and military operations in
Macedonia and the Great Lakes region of Africa. Last month, we
took a further step forward with the adoption of Europe's first
Security Strategy. It signals a new - strategic - approach - to
our external action. It will fall to Ireland to put the strategy
into practice.
The Security Strategy was born when Europeans acknowledged that
we are stronger when we have a common perception of the threats
we face and how to deal with them. Threats are never more dangerous
than when we are divided.
The European Security Strategy
Europe's security strategy is built on the concepts of responsibility,
prevention, capability and partnership. Allow me to briefly outline
each of these and what they mean in practice.
A political union of 450 million people in 25 countries producing
a quarter of the world's GDP has both regional and global responsibilities.
In our immediate neighbourhood, Europe shoulders a growing responsibility
for security in the Balkans. We are ready and willing to do more.
In the coming months, we will be called on to do more, especially
in Bosnia. Already we have police and monitoring missions on the
ground. Soon, we will take over responsibility from NATO for peacekeeping.
Bosnia will be the first case where the EU deploys economic, trade,
humanitarian, military and civilian instruments on the ground in
pursuit of a single objective - the stabilisation and transformation
of a post conflict society into one which some day can some day
be ready for EU membership. During the IGC, we have spoken often
of coherence. Bosnia will be a concrete test of our ability to
ensure that our trade, development, political and security instruments
can follow the same agenda.
But our responsibilities for building regional security extend
further. Closer engagement with the Arab world must also be a priority
for us. The task of bringing this work forward will also fall to
Ireland. Without resolution of the Arab/Israeli conflict, there
will be little chance of dealing with other problems in a region
beset by economic stagnation and social unrest.
We also have a responsibility to ensure that EU enlargement does
not create new dividing lines in Europe. Closer economic cooperation
with our neighbours to the East will help to avoid this - but must
be accompanied by determined efforts to develop democracy and good
governance there and to end frozen and unresolved conflicts. Next
week I will visit Georgia - a country which faces enormous problems
but where there is hope for a new beginning.
Responsibility has a global dimension too. Terrorist and criminal
networks have a global reach. We can only tackle them effectively
if we think - and act - globally. Most of the heroin sold in Europe
originates in Afghanistan. Our internal and external security are
indissolubly connected. If we want to protect our citizens at home,
we have to be prepared to act effectively abroad.
Prevention is at the heart of our approach. Preventive engagement
has enabled us to avert the threat of further conflicts in the
Balkans. Prompt action by Europe has helped to encourage the Iranian
authorities to accept additional safeguards and to voluntarily
suspend uranium enrichment and processing activities. Later this
week I will visit Iran for discussions on how we can work together
to address these issues as well as the very serious humanitarian
problems which Iran now faces.
The threats we face are dynamic. Left alone, they will grow. We
need to be able to act at the first signs of trouble. This is easier
said than done. It requires a strategic culture that fosters early,
rapid and when necessary, robust intervention.
Our strategy of preventive engagement goes beyond the immediate
threats to take account of the environment in which those threats
are generated and sustained. Many regions - especially Africa -
are caught in a cycle of conflict, insecurity, sickness and poverty.
Regional conflicts fuel the demand for proliferation. Violent religious
extremism is linked to the pressures of modernisation, and to the
alienation of young people in societies, which are experiencing
social, cultural and political crisis.
In short, a world more fair is a world more secure.
The European Security Strategy is underpinned and made credible
by the notion of capability. We have made great progress in the
development of military and civilian capabilities. In reviewing
the headline goal process, which we set in motion four years ago
at Helsinki, we will have to ensure that we build the capabilities
to meet new challenges such as terrorism.
Whatever new goals we define, we will have to make sure they are
resourced. Collectively, Europeans already spend Euro 160 billion
a year on defence. We will have to use these resources wisely,
reducing duplication and filling gaps. The establishment of a Defence
Agency foreseen in the Treaty should help to ensure better co-ordinated
defence investment and research and technology efforts.
Military capabilities are an important element in our strategy,
but there are others. Military efficiency has often been followed
by civilian chaos. We need police and other civilian capabilities
in crisis and post crisis situations. And we need to use these
in a coordinated way with humanitarian, trade and development policies.
Stronger security partnerships - and a more effective multilateral
system - are essential for our security.
Europe's partnership with the United States is irreplaceable.
It has underpinned our progressive integration and our security.
It benefits not only Europe and the US, but the international community
as a whole. Though the US is today's dominant military actor, it
cannot tackle today's complex and multi-dimensional problems on
its own. You are well-placed to build on this partnership and I
know that you are determined to do so.
I believe that our future security will depend more - not less
- on an effective multilateral system, a rule-based international
order and well-functioning international institutions. Multilateralism
is not an instrument of the weak. It is an instrument of the wise.
The United Nations is at the centre of this system, but can only
play its role if we have imagination and collective will to strengthen
it, equip it to fulfil its responsibilities and to act effectively.
And if we have the courage and determination to act when its rules
are broken. Ireland is also well equipped to make progress here.
You are a staunch supporter of UN peacekeeping. This is clear from
your strong commitment to the UN force in Liberia. Your recent
experience on the Security Council gives direct experience of the
UN strengths but also its weaknesses.
Ultimately, I believe that the best way Europe can contribute
to building a stronger UN is by building a strong and capable Europe;
a Europe firmly committed to effective multilateralism. These are
not alternatives. They are complementary. Last year, the European
Union was able to respond quickly and decisively to the UN's call
for peacekeepers in the Great Lakes region. This is EU rapid reaction
in practice. Without ESDP the development of military capabilities,
and the ability to take the necessary decisions, we could not have
responded to this call.
In a world where partnership and cooperation is crucial to success,
our relationships will take many forms. In the Western Balkans,
with NATO, especially in preparation for the takeover from SFOR.
With regional powers such as Japan, China and India; with regional
organisations such as ASEAN, MERCOSUR and the African Union. Europe's
history, geography and culture connect us globally. In our own
neighbourhood, we must work for closer relations with Russia, building
a strategic partnership through respect for common values.
Our ambition is a Europe more active and more capable; an articulate
and persuasive champion of effective multilateralism; a regional
actor and a global ally. The preparation the European Security
Strategy has helped us to discover a remarkable convergence of
view on security issues between EU Member States - and to uncover
an authentic and uniquely European voice on security issues.
The Strategy is a short document. It is free of jargon, clear
and - I hope - accessible to all. This is how it should be. Security
is everybody's business. I hope that it is widely disseminated
and read.
The challenge of articulating this voice and implementing this
ambitious vision now rests with the Irish Presidency.
In closing, allow me to thank you, Mr Chairman, Taoiseach and
members of the Forum, for inviting me here to speak with you. Your
job, too, has been to make Europe clear and accessible. Not always
an easy job, but a vital one. As Europe becomes larger and more
active, the task of debating and explaining becomes ever more important.
You have set an example on how this can be done. May your work
continue and flourish.
Thank you.
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