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11/1/2002
The Conflict in Kashmir
Ever
since the partition of the sub-continent more than 50 years ago
as Britain relinquished its Indian empire, India and Pakistan have
been arch rivals. Their animosity with its roots in religion and
history, has recently escalated into a dangerous arms race and there
is increasing international concern that the continuing hostility
could spark a major conflagration in the region. Apart from the
threat it poses to security, many analysts believe that the enduring
stand-off between the two nuclear-capable powers is preventing the
region from realising its full economic potential. Trade between
the two countries, for example, is minimal.
But
this animosity might have evaporated were it not for the problem
of Kashmir. The Pakistanis argue that the mountainous state of Kashmir
should have become part of Pakistan in 1947. The majority of its
population were, after all, Muslims. In fact Kashmir became part
of the Indian Union because the ruling Maharaja was a Hindu and
signed an Instrument of Accession handing over to Delhi powers of
defence, communication and foreign affairs. The original treaty
made provision for a plebiscite, to confirm or alter Kashmir's status,
but this was never held, despite United Nations Resolutions to this
effect.
India
has resisted these demands, not because it is undemocratic - it
is, after all, the largest democracy in the world - but because
it says that local election results demonstrate that people living
there want to remain part of the Indian union. There may be something
in this. But there is no doubt that the real reason is that India
fears a Balkanisation of her states and provinces. Allow a plebiscite
in one state and all over India you will trigger a rash of demands
for referendums which may prove at best divisive and which could
possibly do the country serious damage. In any case, argues the
government in New Delhi, the UN do not have a locus in this dispute
as India and Pakistan agreed between them as long ago as 1950 to
resolve the Kashmir dispute through bilateral negotiations.
But
there has been no resolution, of course, and the two countries have
twice gone to war over the territory, in 1947-8 and in 1965. In
1971, India and Pakistan fought a third time, this time over Bangladeshi
independence, and during war there was also some further conflict
between the two sides in Kashmir. These wars have left Kashmir divided
along a so-called Line of Control which leaves Pakistan in occupation
of the western part of Kashmir, with about a third of the territory.
As there has never been a peace treaty there is occasional fighting
between the two armies on each side of the Line, which from time
to time develops into something serious. Such was the case in the
summer of 1999, when Pakistani-backed forces infiltrated Indian-controlled
Kashmir causing a bitter two-month conflict along the Line of Control.
The action nearly tipped the two countries into another war.
The
conflict is fuelled by irregular forces - India calls them terrorists,
Pakistan calls them freedom fighters - who have carried out widespread
bombings and shootings in Indian-controlled Kashmir and elsewhere
in India. The suicide attack on the Indian Parliament at the end
of last year was a particularly vicious example of this campaign.
India has constantly maintained that Pakistan is training and supplying
weapons to these militant separatists. Pakistan insists it only
offers them moral support and that it condemns terrorism.
The
truth is probably somewhere in between. The Pakistani government
knows that there are many groups in Pakistan who provide an infrastructure
which supports the militants. Some parts of the army are also thought
to be broadly supportive and the great wave of religious fundamentalism
that envelops much of Pakistan's youth is ready to turn the Kashmiri
struggle into a Jihad.
General
Pervez Musharraf, the Pakistani leader, wants to have better relations
with India and an honourable end to the Kashmir conflict. He is
however under great pressure to reign in the militants, not just
from India but from the United States and Europe on whom his impoverished
country depends financially. He has begun to take action. Whether
this will lead to a decline in the bombings and shootings in Indian
administered Kashmir is anybody's guess. Meanwhile the General faces
even more destabilising wrath from Pakistan's religious groups.
Both
countries have transferred their troops to the frontier in a gesture
of sabre-rattling. Both know the costs of war and both know that
they can only lose from open warfare. Both governments and their
militants need to back down, to swallow their pride. Whether their
people will let them is the question.
©EuropaWorld
2001 - Copyright Policy
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