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25/5/2001
Afghanistan: Are these the Last Months of the Taliban?
News
from Afghanistan this week appears to confirm that the regime is
getting tougher; hard line attitudes are prevailing over reasonableness.
The destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas, the giant statues cut into
the rock face, was just the first of a series of tough actions that
began in earnest when the Security Council decided to tighten sanctions
against the Taliban but not their enemies. Since then there have
been reports of civilian massacres, restrictions on international
monitoring, harassment of humanitarian actions, and the forced closure
of the UN's regional offices. The Taliban could be accused, with
some justification, of seeking out actions and policies designed
to outrage world opinion; in reality it is probably a last desperate
act of a regime imploding on itself. It is a sorry tale.
The
latest act is the chilling edict issued to the country this week
requiring Hindus - and for that matter any other religious minorities
- to wear some identifying mark to show their religion. The Taliban
- who of course are Muslim fundamentalists - have protested that
this edict will defend their religious minorities: identifying them
to the religious police who would otherwise be driving them towards
the mosques at prayer time. The badge - which may turn out to be
the requirement to dress in yellow since this is the traditional
colour of the Hindus - is meant, say the Taliban, to protect. Well,
as we all know, the road to hell is paved with good intentions.
Other societies that have been grave abusers of human rights - the
Nazis especially - would regularly ascribe the most disarming of
motives to their grossest and most wicked actions. No wonder that
the Hindus would prefer to do without this particular piece of discriminatory
'protection.'
Not
all that long ago there used to be sizeable populations of non-muslims
in Afghanistan. But today fewer than 2,000 Hindus remain in Kabul,
together with a few hundred Sikhs. Christians, Jews and Buddhists
have long since followed the majority of the Hindus who have been
driven out by religious intolerance. That same intolerance, promoted
by the religious police, has also helped to drive literally millions
of Afghans to seek shelter in Iran, in Pakistan and in countries
further afield.
These
religious police were, incidentally, formerly known by a title that
could have come straight out of comic opera. They are the former
officials of the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention
of Vice and they had their very own and peculiar ideas as to what
constituted virtue and vice. They were, and are, the shock troops
of the Taliban's religious revolution with almost absolute and arbitrary
power to deem what is and what is not correct behaviour.
Needless
to say they are all men and much of their fervour seems to derive
from the very worst kind of misogyny. As with the religious minorities,
the religious police protest they are only protecting women against
possible exploitation and ill-treatment. But as with the religious
minorities their actions only succeed in grave discrimination and
abuse of dignity and human rights.
Not
long ago the religious police entered a hospital, attacking the
workers with whips and forcing it to close. The 'crime' had been,
apparently, a simple one: that in the busy routine of caring for
the sick, men and women were insufficiently segregated at mealtimes
while female nurses had not always been totally covered from top
to toe as they went about their work. For this they were beaten.
The Muslim Holy Book - the Koran - does not endorse this treatment
of women, indeed it expressly preaches tolerance.
We
can but hope that this new hard line phase of the Taliban's revolution
is the prelude to its collapse. Ultimately the Taliban elders must
know their dream is unsustainable. They must have come to the conclusion
that is impossible to keep a country and its people, however devout,
isolated from the rest of the world. The effect of this isolation
is apparent: the Afghan economy is in shambles while the population
is wracked by hunger and malnutrition. Moreover, maintaining the
isolation demands military resources on an increasing scale.
Tightening
the screws on the population may keep the regime in power for a
few more months but ultimately all revolutions consume their own
children. Mullah Omar, the reclusive leader of the Taliban, must
know this too.
©EuropaWorld
2001 - Copyright Policy
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